On December 7th, Abkhazia's President Aslan Bzhania signed a decree "On Approving the Foreign Policy Concept of the Republic of Abkhazia." Alongside the priorities of national interests, openness to cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual respect, and the multi-level nature of external contacts, it set out specific goals toward which foreign policy efforts are to be directed in accordance with the state's national interests.

There are eleven points in total, covering a wide range of issues — from ensuring the state's national security and protecting the rights and interests of citizens both within and beyond Abkhazia, to creating favorable external conditions for the socio-economic development of the state. This encompasses both the attraction of foreign investment and the promotion of the republic's trade and economic interests abroad. The main emphasis is placed on intensifying work toward Abkhazia's further international recognition, strengthening its positive international image, and deepening strategic partnership with the Russian Federation. Attention is also given to the consolidation of peace and stability in the Caucasus region and to stepping up efforts for Abkhazia's accession to global and regional international institutions.

But for the first time in a document of this kind, a provision appeared concerning relations with Georgia — specifically, in addition to the resolution of the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict, the normalization of relations with Georgia is also stipulated.

This point caused considerable excitement in Abkhazian society. Some spoke out against any dialogue with Georgia; the majority, however, were entirely in favor. The instigators of these heated disputes was the united opposition, which considered the inclusion of a provision on an additional format of dialogue with Georgia in such an important document for the republic to be tantamount to betrayal, and demanded that the president remove it from the Concept.

"The President approved the Foreign Policy Concept of Abkhazia, one of the provisions of which allows for the possibility of creating conditions for establishing an additional format of multi-level negotiations between Georgia and Abkhazia, within which it would become possible to discuss with the Georgian side issues of mutual interest that cannot be addressed within the framework of the International Geneva Discussions," reads the distributed statement. In the opposition's view, this provision, if implemented, would "not only relegate to the background the Geneva Discussions — held pursuant to the Medvedev-Sarkozy agreements — but also lower the status of the negotiating process." The opposition members also fear that the change in the status of negotiations could result in Abkhazia not only "losing its international mediators" but formally reverting to the period before international recognition.

Abkhazian society did not share the view of the united opposition — which consists largely of former officials of various kinds and war veterans. And the opposition's call on parliament to convene an extraordinary session, coupled with threats to take more decisive action if the authorities failed to introduce their proposed amendments to the Concept, provoked an avalanche of negative reactions. "For the first time in many years, our state has moved from the empty proclamation of democratic principles to real action — and our former little officials, sensing some sort of threat to themselves, have started screaming in unison about betrayal of the homeland's interests. The whole thing is rather laughable. When they were at the helm of the state, they did everything to drag our country into a debt trap, looting and appropriating what little Abkhazia had left. That was not betrayal. But when our country decided to behave like a proper state — well, here we go: they're the good ones, and we're all traitors. It's revolting to listen to them," concluded our interlocutor Anatoly. In his view, Abkhazia must establish dialogue with all countries — and first and foremost with its neighbors. "Has everything come to hinge on Russia alone? Or are we renouncing our strategic partnership with her? Though what kind of partnership is it anyway — just words, a laughing stock. We proclaimed ourselves a democratic state, so we must behave like a state — not like some rabble. This is about a multi-level dialogue with Georgia. What is wrong with that?" Anatoly reflects.

Another interlocutor, Denis, believes it is necessary to use any platform where Abkhazia and Georgia can hold dialogue, resolve emerging problems, and address current issues. "It is no secret that in Geneva, our delegation participates not as a party to the negotiations but as some kind of third side, whose opinion is not always sought. That, as I understand it, is what the opposition and all its supporters have forgotten. If there is an opportunity to convey our position to Georgia directly rather than through intermediaries — is that a bad thing? Or do we still want Russians or foreigners to speak about us and for us?" says Denis. In the young man's view, Abkhazia is capable of conveying its position to Georgia itself, without any outside intervention. He regrets that this was not done earlier.

In response to the accusations of the united opposition, a number of political parties and movements in Abkhazia issued statements, the central message of which is that the Concept will strengthen the republic's position on the international stage.

"For many years we have been going around in circles, and the need to formulate a Foreign Policy Concept is, in our view, dictated by the times. The necessity for a reset has been apparent for more than a little while," states, in particular, the statement of the party People's Front of Abkhazia.

"Trade relations with Georgia have long been conducted at the grassroots level — and in quite significant volumes. I hope no one will deny this. I understand why many do not want to translate these long-standing relations from the grassroots level to the state level. Of course, no one wants to lose the millions of rubles that are being earned illegally. That is precisely why they will do everything to obstruct the establishment of any dialogue. But why should our state continue to tolerate the lawlessness that all previous governments turned a blind eye to for two decades? We weren't told to march in formation back into Georgia's fold. Dialogue is not betrayal — it is a very important component of a democratic state, one that will allow results to be achieved not through grey schemes but in an open and civilized manner," believes our interlocutor Eteri. In her view, all the commotion around this subject benefits certain individuals first and foremost — not the people of Abkhazia. "We are tired of living in ruin and crisis. Our people have the right to communicate not only with Russia but with the rest of the world — to strive for something better and adopt the best practices of others. And the sooner we understand this simple truth, the better off we will all be," Eteri believes.

Reading all this squabbling, the accusations of unpatriotism and betrayal spread across the internet by self-styled champions of Abkhazia's bright future, I found myself wanting to ask: are we so afraid of Georgia that we refuse to engage in dialogue with it — or is this a performative stance intended not to offend Russia? And I also want to ask: have we become so disillusioned with our own capabilities that we allow others to resolve our own problems and questions through third parties — or have we, over the past 28 years, been conditioned to believe that we are a spineless state incapable of anything?

The foreign policy of a democratic state possesses certain functions — among them the rationalization of conflicts and contradictions, and their direction into the channel of civilized dialogue between citizens and the state, and between states themselves. This is the view of the majority of specialists in international law recognized by the international community. And I very much want Abkhazia — which proclaimed itself a democratic state back in the distant 1990s — to finally become one, or at the very least to move closer to the name declared in its Constitution. But in order to take the first independent steps on the path to development, our country will have to stop groveling, emerge from Russia's shadow, and begin communicating independently with the entire world and with each country individually. And for this, not only the desire but an iron will is required — otherwise our people will continue to drag out a miserable existence, having abandoned any thought of development or the future.

Astanda Bgamba

The text contains place names and terminology used in the self-proclaimed Republic of Abkhazia. Opinions expressed in the publication reflect the views of the author and do not necessarily represent the position of the editorial board.